Al-Andalus
- This article is about the historical region. For the modern-day province, see Andalusia.
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Al-Andalus (Arabic: الأندلس) was the Arabic name given to those parts of the Iberian Peninsula governed by Muslims from 711 to 1492.[1] It refers to the Governorate, Emirate (ca 750-929) and Caliphate of Córdoba (929-1031) and its taifa successor kingdoms.
In 1236 the Christian Reconquista led to the reconquering of the last Islamic stronghold of Granada under Mohammed ibn Alhamar to the Christian forces of Ferdinand III of Castile. From there on Granada became a vassal state to the Christian kingdom for the next 250 years until January 2, 1492 when the last Muslim leader Boabdil of Granada surrendered complete control of the remnants of the last Moorish stronghold Granada, to Ferdinand and Isabella, Los Reyes Católicos ("The Catholic Monarchs"). The Portuguese Reconquista culminated in 1249 with the reconquering of Algarve by Afonso III.
As Iberia was slowly regained by Christians fighting from northern enclaves, in the long process known as the Reconquista, the name Al-Andalus came to refer to the Muslim-dominated lands of the former Roman Hispania Baetica, Hispania Lusitania, and Hispania Tarraconensis, within an ever-southward-moving frontier. See also Andalusia and Andalusia (disambiguation)
Contents |
History
Conquest and early years
Prior to the arrival of the Moors, the Visigothic rivals of King Roderic had gathered along with Arians and Jews fleeing forced conversions at the hands of the Catholic bishops who controlled the Visigothic monarchy. The Egyptian historian Ibn Abd-el-Hakem relates that Roderic's vassal, Julian, count of Ceuta had sent one of his daughters to the Visigothic court at Toledo for education and that Roderic had impregnated her. After learning of this, he made his way to Qayrawan (modern days Tunisia) and requested the assistance of Musa ibn Nusayr, the Muslim governor in North Africa. Personal power politics may have played a larger part, as Julian and other notable families were extremely discontented with the existing status quo in the Visigothic kingdom. In exchange for lands in Andalus, Julian promised ships to carry Ibn Nusayr's troops across the Strait of Hercules (Strait of Gibraltar).
- Main article: Moorish invasion of Iberia.
Under the command of Tariq ibn-Ziyad, a small force landed at Gibraltar on April 30, 711 . After a decisive victory at the Battle of Guadalete on July 19, 711, Tariq ibn-Ziyad brought most of the Iberian Peninsula under Muslim occupation in a seven-year campaign. They moved northeast across the Pyrenees but were defeated by the Frank Charles Martel at the Battle of Poitiers in 732. Modern historians argue that the Battle of Poitiers was a victory over raiders, not conquerors. Though there was a Muslim presence north of the Pyrenees, further northward expeditions aimed for looting, not conquering[citation needed]. The Iberian peninsula, except for the Kingdom of Asturias, became part of the expanding Umayyad empire, under the name of al-Andalus. In the Archaeological Museum in Madrid, a dinar dating from five years after the conquest (716), has the Arabic al-Andalus on one side and the Iberian Latin "Span(ica)" on the other — apparently the first mention known.
At first, al-Andalus was ruled by governors appointed by the Caliph, most ruling for three years or less. However, from 740, a series of civil wars between various Muslim groups in Spain resulted in the breakdown of Caliphal control, with Yūsuf al-Fihri, who emerged as the main winner, being effectively an independent ruler.
The Emirate and Caliphate of Córdoba
When the Umayyad dynasty gave way to the Abbasid in 750, Abd al-Rahman I (later titled Al-Dāakhil), an Umayyad exile, established himself as the Emir of Córdoba in 756, ousting Yūsuf al-Fihri. Over a thirty-year reign, he established his rule over the whole of al-Andalus, overcoming partisans both of the al-Fihri family and of the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad, whose title he refused to acknowledge. For the next century and a half, his descendants continued as emirs of Córdoba, with nominal control over the rest of al-Andalus (and sometimes parts of western North Africa) but with real control, particularly over the marches along the Christian border, varying greatly depending on the competence of the individual emir. Indeed, Abdallah ibn Muhammad, who was emir around 900, had very little control beyond the area immediately around Córdoba.
However, Abdallah's grandson Abd-al-Rahman III, who succeeded him in 912, not only rapidly restored Ummayad power throughout al-Andalus but extended it into western North Africa as well. In 929 he proclaimed himself Caliph, elevating the emirate to a position competing in prestige not only with the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad but also the Shi'ite Caliph in Tunis — with whom he was competing for control of North Africa.
The period of the Caliphate can reasonably be regarded as the golden age of al-Andalus. Irrigation techniques and crops – for instance, rice, oranges and a variety of other citrus fruits – imported from the Middle East provided the area around Córdoba and some other Andalusī cities with an agricultural infrastructure well in advance of that of any other part of western Europe. Córdoba under the Caliphate, with a population of perhaps 500,000, was far larger and more prosperous than any other city of the time in Europe, with the exception of Constantinople, and competed on at least equal terms as a cultural centre with anywhere else in the Islamic world. The work of its philosophers and scientists would be a significant formative influence on the intellectual life of medieval western Europe.
Muslims and non-Muslims often came from abroad to study in the famous libraries and universities of al-Andalus. The most noted of these was Michael Scot, who took Ibn Rushd's (Averroes') works, and his commentaries on many of Aristotle's works as well as the works of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) to Italy. This event was to have a significant impact on the formation of the European Renaissance.
The First Taifa Period
The Córdoba Caliphate effectively collapsed during a ruinous civil war between 1009 and 1013, although it was not finally abolished until 1031. Al-Andalus now broke up into a number of mostly independent states called taifas. These were however militarily too weak to defend themselves against repeated raids and demands for tribute from the Christian states based in the north and west, which had already spread from their initial strongholds in Galicia, Asturias, the Basque country and the Carolingian Marca Hispanica to become the Kingdoms of Navarre, León, Portugal, Castile and Aragon and the County of Barcelona. Eventually, raids turned into conquest, and in response, the taifa kings requested help from the Almoravids, the fundamentalist-Islamic rulers of the Maghreb. However, the Almoravids conquered the taifa kingdoms after defeating the Castilian King Alfonso VI at the battles of Zallāqah and Uclés.
Almoravids, Almohads and Marinids
In 1086 the Almoravid ruler of Morocco Yusuf ibn Tashfin was invited by the Muslim princes in Spain to defend them against Alfonso VI, King of Castile and León. In that year, Yusuf ibn Tashfin passed the straits to Algeciras, inflicted a severe defeat on the Christians at the az-Zallaqah. By 1094, Yusuf ibn Tashfin had removed all Muslim princes in Spain and annexed their states, except for the one at Zaragoza. From the Christians he regained Valencia.
The Almoravids were succeeded in the 12th century by the Almohads, another Berber dynasty, after the defeat of the Castilian Alfonso VIII at the Battle of Alarcos. In 1212 a coalition of Christian kings under the leadership of the Castilian Alfonso VIII defeated the Almohads at the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa and forced their Sultan to leave Spain. Once the Almohads were gone (though they survived in Morocco until 1269) the again independent but weakened Taifas were quickly conquered by Portugal, Castile and Aragon. After the fall of Murcia (1243) and the Algarve (1249), only the Kingdom of Granada survived as a Muslim state, but was forced to pay tribute to Castile. Most of this tribute was gold from present-day Mali and Burkina Faso that was carried to Spain through the merchant routes of the Sahara.
The last Muslim threat to the Christian kingdoms was the rise of the Marinids in Morocco during the 14th century, who put Granada under their sphere of influence and conquered some cities like Algeciras. However, they were unable to take Tarifa, that resisted until the arrival of the Castilian Army led by Alfonso XI. The Castilian king, helped by Afonso IV of Portugal and Pedro IV of Aragon, decisively defeated the Marinids at the Battle of Salado in 1340 and took Algeciras in 1344. Gibraltar, then under Granadian rule, was put under siege in 1349 -1350, but most of the Castilian forces and their king were killed by the Black Death. The successor of Alfonso XI, Pedro of Castile, signed a peace with the Muslims and turned his attention to Christian lands, starting a period of almost 150 years of rebellions and wars between the Christian states that secured the survival of Granada.
The Emirate of Granada
Granada survived for three more centuries as an independent state.The Muslims were guaranteed virtual self-government, freedom of movement, complete religious freedom and even a three-year exemption from taxes after the surrender. After that they were to pay no more than they had under Nasrid rule. In 1469 the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile signaled the last assault on Granada, a campaign carefully planned and well financed. The King and Queen convinced the Pope to declare their war a Crusade. The Christians crushed one center of resistance after another and finally, in January 1492, after a long siege, the Moorish king of Gharnatah (Granada), Muhammad abu Abdallah, surrendered the fortress palace of Alhambra itself.
Aftermath
In 1499 the primate of Spain, Ximénez de Cisneros, arrived in Granada and was soon starting a terror compaign to force the Muslims to become Christian. Three years later the Muslims were told simultaneously that they must convert or die.
In 1526 the Inquisitor General moved to Granada to speed things up. But the process dragged on for years with many Muslims pretending conversion to survive—they were called Moriscos —and others rebelling. There were, for example, serious uprisings in the Alpujarra mountains near Granada; one was so long and well fought that Philip II of Spain finally had to call in an army commanded by Juan de Austria (illegitimate brother of Phillip II) to put an end to it.
Eventually, between 1609 and 1614, Spain gave expulsion orders to the Moriscos. Only six percent were to be allowed to stay, most of whom were children and their mothers, and some 250,000 to 500,000 Moriscos were driven out.
During the journey into exile, it is estimated, up to three quarters of the exiles died.[citation needed]
Society
The society of Al-Andalus was made up of three main groups: Muslims, Christians and Jews. The Muslims, though united on the religious level, had several ethnic divisions, the main being the distinction between the Arabs and the Berbers. Mozarabs were Christians that had long lived under Muslim domination and so had come to adopt many Arabic customs, art and words, while holding onto old Christian rituals and their own Latin-derived languages. Each of these communities inhabited a separate part of the cities.
The Arabs settled in the south and in the Ebro Valley in the north-east, while the Berbers, the bulk of the invaders, lived in the mountainous regions of what is now the north of Portugal and in the Meseta Central. The Jews worked mainly as tax collectors, in trade or as doctors or ambassadors. At the end of the fifteenth century there were about 50,000 Jews in Granada and roughly 100,000 in the whole of Islamic Spain.[2]
Non-Muslims (Dhimmi) under the Caliphate
See also: Golden age of Jewish culture in Spain
Tolerance or repression
The treatment of non-Muslims in the Caliphate has been a subject of considerable interest from scholars and commentators, especially those interested in drawing parallels to the co-existence of Muslims and non-Muslims in the modern world. Some argue that - for at least part of the history of al-Andalus - Jews were treated significantly better in Muslim-controlled Spain than in Christian Northern Europe. However, the exact extent and nature of this period of tolerance (sometimes called a "Golden Age") has become a subject of debate and is often used to back personal or political agendas.
Bernard Lewis states:
- The claim to tolerance, now much heard from Muslim apologists and more especially from apologists for Islam, is also new and of alien origin. It is only very recently that some defenders of Islam have begun to assert that their society in the past accorded equal status to non-Muslims. No such claim is made by spokesmen for resurgent Islam,’ and historically there is no doubt that they are right. Traditional Islamic societies neither accorded such equality nor pretended that they were so doing. Indeed, in the old order, this would have been regarded not as a merit but as a dereliction of duty. How could one accord the same treatment to those who follow the true faith and those who willfully reject it? This would be a theological as well as a logical absurdity.[3]
Princeton University Professor Mark Cohen, in his 1995 book on the subject,[4] discusses how the belief of a so-called "Golden Age" of peaceful co-existence in al-Andalus (between Muslims and dhimmis, especially Jewish ones) was bolstered in the nineteenth and twentieth century by two sources. On one side, Jewish scholars like Heinrich Graetz used the story of tolerant Al-Andalus to draw contrasts to the increasing oppression of Jews in mainly Christian Eastern Europe. On the other side, Arab scholars who wanted to show that modern State of Israel shattered a previously existing harmony between Jews and Arabs in Palestine under the Ottoman rule (see History of the Jews in Turkey) pointed to the supposed utopia of the Golden Age as an example of previous relationships. Cohen argues that the image is overstated, but that the "countermyth" of persecution is also an oversimplification.
The debate about the conditions of non-Muslims continues however. For example, María Rosa Menocal, a specialist in Iberian literature at Yale University, has argued that "Tolerance was an inherent aspect of Andalusian society".[5] Menocal's 2003 book, The Ornament of the World, argues that the Jewish dhimmis living under the Caliphate, while allowed fewer rights than Muslims, were still better off than in other parts of Christian Europe. Jews from other parts of Europe made their way to al-Andalus, where they were tolerated - as were Christians of sects regarded as heretical by various European Christian states.
The work of Menocal and other such scholars has been the subject of criticism from commentators such as Robert Spencer and Andrew Bostom, who regard Menocal's description of al-Andalus as a myth that ignores the realities of dhimmi life. These critics cite Muslim restrictions on dhimmis: they could not build new churches or synagogues or repair old ones, they had to practice their faiths quietly and privately, and they were not to proselytize. Dhimmis were required to wear an identifying belt called the zunnar, which was easily recognized because of its color - blue for Christians and yellow for Jews. Dhimmis were also prohibited from employing Muslims and had to pay a poll tax (jizya). They were also forbidden from holding public office. According to David Wasserstein of Tel Aviv University, however,
- In economic life there were scarcely any real restrictions on Jews, or dhimmis, qua Jews or dhimmis. In religious life real constraints on Jewish practice were minimal and relatively unimportant... In literary activity, there was scarcely any discrimination against Jews, and indeed it may be argued, with great force, that, at least in literary terms, the Jewish encounter with Arab Islam was highly productive, and especially so in al-Andalus.[6]
Others point out that there were many examples of dhimmis holding state offices, despite the technical prohibition. One notable Andalusian example among these is that of Hasdai ibn Shaprut (915-990), a prominent Jew who controlled the customs (among other duties) in Córdoba, but other Jews served as Viziers (e.g. Samuel Hanagid) or court physicians. Proponents argue that dhimmis enjoyed considerable autonomy within the Islamic state; in matters of family law and religious practice, they were governed by their own authorities. These authorities collected the poll tax and mediated between the state and the dhimmi community. Within their allotted bounds, the dhimmis had a certain freedom, yet were always second-class citizens when compared to Muslims.
However, it must be noted that non-Muslims were treated with much more tolerance in Islamic Spain than non-Christians or even non-Catholics (Arians) were in the rest of Europe at the time, as well as for many more centuries to come.
Rise and fall of tolerance
The Caliphate treated non-Muslims differently at different times. The longest period of tolerance began after 912, with the reign of Abd-ar-Rahman III and his son, Al-Hakam II where the Jews of Al-Andalus prospered, devoting themselves to the service of the Caliphate of Cordoba, to the study of the sciences, and to commerce and industry, especially to trading in silk and slaves, in this way promoting the prosperity of the country. Southern Spain became an asylum for the oppressed Jews of other countries.
Christians, braced by the example of their co-religionists across the borders of al-Andalus, sometimes asserted the claims of Christianity and knowingly courted martyrdom, even during these tolerant periods. For example, forty-eight Christians of Córdoba were decapitated for religious offences against Islam. They became known as the Martyrs of Córdoba. Many of the Christians executed deliberately courted martyrdom by publicly declaiming against Islam inside mosques, insulting Muhammad and making declarations of Christian religious beliefs considered blasphemous in Islam. These deaths played out, not in a single spasm of religious unrest, but over an extended period of time; dissenters who were fully aware of the fates of their predecessors chose what amounted to suicide as a form of protest against the Islamic state.[7]
With the death of al-Hakam III in 976, however, the situation worsened for non-Muslims in general. The first major persecution occurred on December 30, 1066 when the Jews were expelled from Granada and fifteen hundred families were killed when they did not leave. Starting in 1090 with the invasion of the Almoravids, the situation worsened further. Even under the Almoravids, however most Jews prospered. With the defeat of the Almoravids in 1148 by the Almohads, however, many Jews were forced to accept the Islamic faith; the conquerors confiscated the property of many and sold them into slavery. Some Jewish educational institutions were closed, and synagogues destroyed.
During these successive waves of violence against non-Muslims, many Jewish and even Muslim scholars left the Muslim-controlled portion of Spain for the then-still relatively tolerant city of Toledo, which had been reconquered in 1085 by Christian forces. Some Jews joined the armies of the Christians (about 40,000), while others joined the Almoravids in the fight against Alfonso VI of Castile.
Culture
Philosophy
One of the most significant contributions made in al-Andalus was to the advancement of theological philosophy.
From the earliest days, the Umayyads wanted to be seen as intellectual rivals to the Abbasids, and for Córdoba to have libraries and educational institutions to rival Baghdad. Although there was a clear rivalry between the two powers, freedom to travel between the two Caliphates was allowed, which helped spread new ideas and innovations over time.
The historian Said Al-Andalusi wrote that Caliph Muhammad Ibn Abd Al-Rahman had collected libraries of books and patroned men to study medicine and "ancient sciences". Later, al-Mustansir (Al-Hakam II) vastly improved this by importing philosophical volumes as well as varying series of books on diverse subjects, including medicine and music from the East to his new university and libraries in Córdoba. Under his reign Córdoba had become one of the worlds most important cities for medicine and philosophical debate.
However, when his son Hisham II took over, his real power was ceded to the hajib, al-Mansur Ibn Abi Aamir. Al-Mansur was a distinctly religious man and disapproved of the sciences of astronomy, logic and especially astrology, so much so that many books on these subjects, which had been preserved and collected at great expense by Al-Hakam II, were burned publicly. It was not long, however, after the death of Al-Mansur (1002) that interest in philosophy sparked up again. Numerous scholars came to the forefront, including Abu Uthman Ibn Fathun, who wrote and taught extensively on a wide variety of subjects including Music and Grammar but whose masterwork was the philosophical treatise "Tree of Wisdom". Another outstanding scholar in astronomy and astrology was Maslamah Ibn Ahmad al-Majriti (died 1008), an intrepid traveller who journeyed all over the Islamic countries, and beyond, and who kept in touch with the Brethren of Purity. Indeed, it is said to have been him who brought the "Epistles of the Brethren of Purity" to al-Andalus and who added the compendium to these 51 epistles, although it is strongly possible that this was added later by another of the name al-Majriti. Another book believed to be his is the Ghayat al-Hakim "The Aim of the Sage", a book which dealt with varying philosophical ideas including a synthesis of Platonism with Hermetic philosophy. Its use of incantations led the book to be widely dismissed in later years, although the Sufi communities did keep studies of it.
A prominent follower of al-Majriti was Abu al-Hakam al-Kirmani, who aside from the studies of philosophy was also a particularly keen scholar of Geometry. A follower of his was the great Abu Bakr Ibn al-Sayigh, known to most Arabic Speakers as Ibn Bajjah, known mostly to the west as Avempace.
Jewish philosophy and culture
With the relative tolerance of al-Andalus and the decline of the previous center of Jewish thought in Babylonia, al-Andalus became the center of Jewish intellectual endeavors. Poets and commentators like Judah Halevi (1086-1145) and Dunash ben Labrat (920-990) contributed to the cultural life of al-Andalus, but the area was even more important to the development of Jewish philosophy. A stream of Jewish philosophers, cross-fertilizing with Muslim philosophers, (see joint Jewish and Islamic philosophies) culminated in the most important Jewish thinker of the Middle Ages, Maimonides (1135-1205), though he did not actually do any of his work in al-Andalus, as, when he was 13, his family fled persecution by the Almohades.
Etymology of al-Andalus
The etymology of the word al-Andalus is uncertain. The word is popularly thought to be derived from the Vandals, the Germanic tribe who settled in southern Iberia and Northern Africa. However, scholars are by no means in agreement. The notion of it originating with the Vandals, who supposedly devastated southern Spain so severely in a mere twenty-two years of tenure (407-429) as to leave their name forever imprinted on it, gained in popularity over time and survives - but it is a theory put forth without much basis, bolstered perhaps by homophony. Three possible etymologies have been advanced in recent times. The first, the Vandal link, is largely disregarded now, and the question of the origin of the Arabic name, given to the entire peninsula, is still open to debate. It should be noted that there is no documented source which supports theories pointing to a pre-Islamic origin of the name Al-Andalus.
Vandalucía
Reinhart Dozy (1820-1883), Dutch author of the famous History of the Muslims of Spain (4 vols., Turner, Madrid, 1984), advanced the theory according to which the name of al-Andalus is an Arabic rendition of Vandalicia or Vandalucía, on the assumption that the Roman province of Hispania Baetica (southern Spain) could have acquired and retained this name-association, not in Iberia itself, but among the Arabs of the Maghreb. The possible reason may be the existence of a Vandal kingdom in southern Spain before its conquest by the Visigoth kingdom centered in Toledo. Escaping from them, the Vandals invaded North Africa and established a new kingdom in Carthage.
Miguel de Cervantes, in his Don Quixote, attests the use of Vandalia in the XVII century as a cultivated synonym of Andalusia: a would-be knight errant searching for a poetic name for his dame, one Casilda from Andalusia, chooses Casildea de Vandalia.[8]
Atlántida
The Spanish philologist Joaquín Vallvé Bermejo, in his The Territorial Divisions of Muslim Spain (CSIC, Madrid, 1986), is of the opinion that Al-Andalus, as in Jazirat al-Andalus, translates pure and simply as "Atlantis" or "island of the Atlantic":
- Arabic texts offering the first mentions of the island of al-Andalus and the sea of al-Andalus become extraordinarily clear if we substitute this expressions with "Atlántida" or "Atlantic". The same can be said with reference to Hercules and the Amazons whose island, according to Arabic commentaries of these Greek and Latin legends, was located in jauf al-Andalus — that is, to the north or interior of the Atlantic Ocean.
Landahlauts
An etymology was advanced by Halm in "Al-Andalus und Gothica Sors".[9] Halm dismisses any links with the Vandals, an association he finds without foundation, and offers instead an interesting explanation. According to him the name "Al-Andalus" is simply an Arabic rendition of the Visigothic name given to the Roman province of Baetica. The Visigoths, following the custom of their Germanic predecessors, parcelled out the conquered territories by drawing lots, and the allotments to anyone, with their corresponding land, was called "Sortes Gothicae". Contemporary texts, still written in Latin, refer to the Gothic kingdom as a whole as "Gothica sors" (singular). It is reasonable to suppose then that the corresponding Gothic designation "Landahlauts" (allotted, inherited, drawn land), in its phonetic form — "landalos" — became easily and spontaneously, to Arabic ears, "Al-Andalus".
- Lôt (Gothic hlauts): allotment, inheritance; cf. Old High German hlôz, modern German Los, which passed into French as lot and Castilian as lote; whence "lottery," "loterie," "lotería," etc.
See also
- History of Spain
- History of Portugal
- Islam in Spain
- Al'Garb Al'Andalus
- Andalusia
- Caliphate of Córdoba
- Dhimmi
- Golden Age of Islam
- Golden age of Jewish culture in Spain
- History of Islam
- Reconquista
- Silves
- Timeline of the Muslim occupation of the Iberian Peninsula
- Umayyad dynasty
- Jews of the Bilad el-Sudan (West Africa)
- African Jew
Footnotes
- ^ "Andalus, al-" Oxford Dictionary of Islam. John L. Esposito, Ed. Oxford University Press. 2003. Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. Accessed 12 June, 2006.
- ^ Wasserstein, 1995, p. 101.
- ^ In Chapter 1 on page 4 of his book The Jews in Islam.
- ^ Under Crescent and Cross
- ^ The Ornament of the World by María Rosa Menocal, Accessed, 12 June, 2006.
- ^ Wasserstein, 1995, p. 103.
- ^ Orthodox Europe: St Eulogius and the Blessing of Cordoba, Accessed 12 June, 2006.
- ^ Don Quijote de la Mancha, Accessed 12 June, 2006.
- ^ In Welt des Orients, vol. 66, 1989, pp. 252-263, and drawn upon by Marianne Barrucand/Achim Bednorz in Arquitectura Islámica en Andalucía, Köln, Taschen, 1992, pp 12-13.
References
- Cohen, Mark (1995). Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-01082-X
- Collins, Roger (1989). The Arab Conquest of Spain, 710–797, Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-19405-3
- Kennedy, Hugh (1996).Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus, Longman. ISBN 0-582-49515-6
- Kraemer, Joel (Jul, 1997). Comparing Crescent and Cross. The Journal of Religion, 77(3), pp. 449-454. (Book review)
- Omaar, Rageh, An Islamic History of Europe. video documentary , BBC Four: August 2005.
- Sanchez-Albornoz, Claudio (1974) El Islam de España y el Occidente. Madrid.
- Wasserstein, David J. (1995). Jewish élites in Al-Andalus. In Daniel Frank (Ed.). The Jews of Medieval Islam: Community, Society and Identity. Brill. ISBN 90-04-10404-6
Films
Further reading
- Al-Djazairi, S.E. (2005). The Hidden Debt to Islamic Civilisation. Bayt Al-Hikma Press. ISBN 0-9551156-1-2
- Hamilton, Michelle M., Sarah J. Portnoy, and David A. Wacks, eds. Wine, Women, and Song: Hebrew and Arabic Literature in Medieval Iberia. Newark, Del.: Juan de la Cuesta Hispanic Monographs, 2004.
- Luscombe, David et al. (Eds.). (2004). The New Cambridge Medieval History: Volume 4, c.1024-c.1198, Part 1. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-41411-3
- Manuela, Marin et al. (Eds.). (1998). The Formation of Al-Andalus: History and Society. Ashgate. ISBN 0-86078-708-7
- Menocal, Maria Rosa (2002). Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain. Back Bay Books. ISBN 0-316-16871-8
- Monroe, James T. Hispano-Arabic Poetry: A Student Anthology. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974.
- Netanyahu, Benzion (1995). The Origins Of The Inquisition In Fifteenth Century Spain. Random House, Inc. ISBN 0-679-41065-1
External links
- The routes of al-Andalus (from the unesco web site)
- Muslim contributions to Andalus
- history and influences of Andalusian music
- THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE, A History of Spain and Portugal, Volume 1, Stanley G. Payne, Chapter Two: Al-Andalus[1]
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Categories
History of Spain | Articles with unsourced statements | 711 establishments | 1492 disestablishments | Al-Andalus | Muslim history | Andalusia
